Regime Change In Iran

How Militant Ethno-Nationalism and Religious Ideological Division Can Be Made To Serve U.S. Interests Abroad

My Facebook and YouTube social media feed is filled with posts supporting the U.S. policy of regime change in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Almost always, the unspoken focus is on Kurdish resistance as if Kurdish support for regime change was synonymous with popular Iranian support. Most Iranians are ethnically Persian (~48.2%) with Kurds being a significant minority (~10.0%).

The three ethnic groups most actively supporting regime change in the Islamic Republic of Iran are the Kurds living in the northwest of Iran bordering Iraq and Turkey, the Azuri (~17.1%) who also live in the northwest of Iran bordering Azerbaijan, and the Balochi (~2.3%) living in the southeast Iran bordering Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Prince Reza Pahlavi

There is little support for Prince Reza Pahlavi (under 20%) in any of these three ethnic groups, and especially among those ethnic people opposing the government in Tehran.

Where Prince Reza Pahlavi does have support, opposition is nearly as strong as support. Supporters of Prince Reza Pahlavi are NOT the people we are seeing in those social media videos of protestors in Iran. Instead, they are almost exclusively seen in video of exiled Iranians living in the U.S.

Ethno-National Separatists vs. Iranian Nationalists

There are two competing ideologies in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One is Iranian nationalist and argues for an inclusive government representing ALL of the people living in Iran without regard for ethnicity. The other is ethno-national separatist and argues for ethnic division.

You would think that American foreign policy would be in support of color-blind (ethnically mixed) government, but our allies are ethno-nationalists determined to unify with their own ethnicity and separate from Iran. The Balochi are working for the creation of Balochistan from parts of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Azeris are Turks who would prefer to be unified with Azerbaijan.

And then there are the Kurds. They would like to form a Greater Kurdistan from portions of southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, northwestern Iran, and northern Syria. These are the ethnic people featured in all of the social media videos where there are violent protests in Iran. They do NOT want to help form a new national government for Iran, they want to separate from Iran and form a new Greater Kurdistan.

Greater Kurdistan

Why does the United States, an ethnically diverse melting pot, keep allying itself with ethno-nationalists?

The three principal Kurdish allies of the U.S. in our regime change effort are the PAK (Kurdistan Freedom Party), the PDKI (Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan) and Komala (Kurdistan Toilers Association). They are all part of the broader CPFIK (Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan) which only exists because the U.S. funded it into existence.

Ethno-National Fascists

The PAK (Kurdistan Freedom Party) was founded by Said Yazdanpanah in 1991. When he was killed shortly after, his brother Hussein Yazdanpanah took over. He has held absolute command for 35 years. The PAK has no clear distinction between its political wing and its military wing. Hussein is both the President and the General Commander.

The PAK explicitly rejects the strategy of “democratizing” within the existing states (eg. Turkey, Iran). Their slogan is Yan Kurdistan, yan neman, meaning "Either Kurdistan or Extinction". Coercive military force, not democracy, is their strategic vehicle for establishing an ethno-nationalist state with a strong-man dictator.

Ethno-National Socialists

Mustafa Hijri has been in the central leadership of the PDKI (Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan) since it was formed in 1979 and has served as the General Secretary or head of the executive center almost continuously since 2004. While the word “Democratic” can be found in the party’s name, in practice it is more like a hereditary or oligarchic military structure than a Western-style democracy.

The PDKI is financially dependent on oil oligarchs, specifically on the Barzani family. The PDKI operated under the umbrella of “security first, democracy later” and is a member of the Socialist International.

Nationalist and socialist … national socialist … NAZI … oops. Go ahead and shrug if you wish, but I noticed.

Kurdish Marxists

The Komala (Kurdistan Toilers Association) deserves its own special category. It didn’t really exist in a meaningful way until yesterday (March 4, 2026). Komala is the intellectual, left-wing "professors" of the Kurdish movement.

Founded in 1969 by Kurdish students in Tehran, Komala began as a Maoist/Marxist-Leninist organization. They weren't just about "Kurdishness"; they were about a "Toilers" (workers) revolution across all of Iran. Today, they describe themselves as Social Democrats. Think of them as the "European-style" leftists of the movement. They talk a lot about secularism, gender equality, and labor rights.

They are led by Abdullah Mohtadi, a sophisticated, Western-educated leader who has spent decades trying to bridge the gap between Kurdish nationalism and the broader Iranian democratic movement.

Komala is fiercely anti-Pahlavi! They are the secular, liberal-left, diversity equity and inclusion (DEI), Kurds.They exist and get funded because … DEI.

Greater Azerbaijan

Most of the Azeri-Iranians fall into the camp of “Iranian First”. What they want is greater regional autonomy for their ethnicity and better representation in the Iranian government. But they may find their own pragmatic position being sidelined by two other forces.

About 15-20% of Azeris support "South Azerbaijan" independence or reunification with North Azerbaijan. And Azerbaijan’s government in Baku is keenly aware of the opportunity to secure what is called the Zangezure Corridor, a trade route to Turkey. Azuri people are Turkic and Turkey has been an ally of Azerbaijan in previous conflicts with Armenia to secure the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Isn’t the U.S. supposed to be opposed to Russian involvement in the ethnically Russian parts of Ukraine? And aren’t we opposed to Taiwanese reunification with mainland China? President Trump recently “made a deal” with Azurbaijan. I guess this is different?

Greater Balochistan

The Sunni militant group Jaish al-Adl (Army of Justice) has merged with several smaller insurgent groups to form JMM, Jabheh-yi Mubarizin-i Mardumi, or PFF, the “People’s Fighters Front”. They have temporarily dropped the “separatist” label to gain U.S. and regional support. However they choose to label themselves, they are “separatists”.

They are militant Sunni Islamist jihadists! They are Baloch nationalists! They are a designated terrorist organization! They want to replace the Shia theocracy in Tehran with a Sunni theocracy in Zahedan and anoint their own Deobandi clerical leader, Abdolhamid Ismaeelzahi. Deobandis are adherents of Sufism.

What the honest-to-goodness fuck? These are our allies!

Conclusion

If you support the current U.S. led regime change operations in Iran, what you are really supporting is:

• Restoration of Monarchy
• Ethnic Division
• Fascism
• National Socialism (Nazi)
• Marxism
• Terrorism
• Foreign land grabbing
• Replacing Shia theocracy with Sunni theocracy

The best you can hope for is a vassal state disguised as an ethnically and religiously divided, neo-liberal, social democracy presided over by a formerly deposed line of Monarchs that is eternally torn by militant internal separatist groups.

The most important changes will be these:

• Iran will sell its oil for U.S. dollars!
• The oil companies working in Iran will be U.S. corporations.
• And Iran will NOT be part of BRICS or the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative.

Oh, I almost forgot … all of the uranium in Iran will be mined and processed by U.S. corporations. The nuclear power plants built in Iran, and they absolutely need nuclear power, will be built and managed by U.S. corporations with loans from the World Bank.

Just one big, happy, corporate family owned by the same U.S. investors and using the same U.S. dollars.

Audio Analysis: Funding Iranian Extremists for Corporate Gain

A deep-dive discussion generated via NotebookLM regarding the findings in this report.

Download or Open Audio File

What is the difference between Social Security and Old-Age Insurance?

It’s a trick question!

When most people say “Social Security” what they really mean is “Federal Old-Age, Survivors and Disability Insurance”. When they say Social Security “tax” what they are referring to is a mandatory “contribution” made under the Federal Insurance Contribution Act.

The loose use of words leads many to believe that Federal Old-Age, Survivors and Disability Insurance is something like “retirement” when it is actually “insurance”.

Retirement programs are supposed to begin paying out when you are too old to work hard and/or long hours; the statutory age is 55. Many people would partially retire and continue to do lighter work or work shorter hours after age 55 but many others are ready to fully retire.

Old-age insurance[1] is designed to pay benefits to those who have outlived their retirement. The expectation is that we will begin dying off sometime between age 62 and 72. Most working people will not have been able to earn enough in their working age years to live off their savings beyond age 67.

In theory, a person who works 35 years and saves diligently should be able to live 12 years off those savings. In reality … only a small percentage of working people will have incomes high enough to personally save for retirement.

When the old-age and survivors insurance program was conceived in 1935, a mandatory contribution[2] of just 2% on the first $3,000 of wages[3] paid for the benefits received by those who outlived retirement[4]. At that time, 70% of workers had annual wages less than $3,000[5].

The low wage earners who bore most of the expense were working class people who would not be likely to have incomes sufficient to save for retirement and employer-provided retirement was uncommon. Many, if not most, low wage earners worked until they died and died before they were eligible for old-age insurance.

On the other hand, 5% of wage earners had annual wages greater than $10,000[6]. Labors were light and hours were short for these high wage earners who were also able to save for retirement and were far more likely to have a company pension. Light work and early retirement contributed to longer lives and these were the primary beneficiaries of old-age insurance.

Even in 1935, old-age insurance was something of a Ponzi scheme that depended on contributions of a large, low-wage working class to insure the retirements of a smaller class of managers and owners.

The emergence of a middle-wage to high-wage working middle class changed everything!

Unions negotiated successfully for higher wages, better workplace safety and shorter work hours. Technology reduced the physical demands of work. Many working class people began to qualify for employer-provided pensions.

These new working middle class people began to live longer and the cost of providing old-age insurance benefits went up.

Today, the contribution rate is 12.4% on the first $118,500 of wages with an additional 2.9% contribution for Medicare hospital insurance.

This is how Ponzi schemes work and why they fail. They work when many contribute and few benefit. They fail when more people begin to benefit and the contribution requirements hit something like a maximum limit.

Nobody really cares how difficult it is for the low-wage working people to pay or how many of them die working without ever qualifying for old-age insurance benefits. But when the new middle-wage and high-wage working class people as well and the many managers and owners begin to feel the pinch of higher mandatory contributions and see their own benefits shrinking, their support for the scheme dwindles.

Some high-wage earning regressives call for an end to old-age insurance and a return to the wild and wooly days when every person had to fend for them self and only a very tiny percentage of society could ever expect to stop working hard, long hours. They think they would do better if they didn’t have to make contributions but they are terribly wrong and underestimate the benefit they receive. They also fail to see how much of it comes to them at the expense of low-wage and middle-wage earning workers.

Many middle-wage to high-wage earning workers take a moderate position calling for reforms to old-age insurance to keep it solvent. They want to make sure that they will continue to receive its benefits even if most low-wage earning people do not. This is a defense of the status quo made by people who insist they are taking a progressive position.

Regressives and moderates both hold conservative positions. They see themselves as a class above low-wage earning workers. But low-wage earners make up between 50% and 60% of all working people. The new working middle class and the old upper class have formed something like an unholy alliance to pick the bones of low-wage working class people.

The alliance breaks down along class lines when either class begins to see themselves as over-burdened or under-benefitted. It gets to be an argument about shifting costs and redefining benefits. The middle class insists that the upper class just needs to pay more and the middle class should pay less. The upper class insists that they already pay too much, should pay less and that the middle class should pay more.

Both classes agree that the lower class pays too little and costs too much. Every compromise made by the middle and upper classes cost the lower class more and reduces the benefits to the lower class.

True progressives are the only real liberals in the argument. They come from all classes but make up a minority of the voices in the argument. A truly progressive solution would be to terminate the old-age insurance scheme and replace it, and many other social assistance programs, with a basic income guarantee for all.

A basic income guarantee would be paid to everyone all of their life. It would eliminate the need to food assistance, temporary cash assistance to needy families, holiday and vacation pay, minimum wage, parental income support of college students, most alimony and child support payments in divorces, unemployment, disability and retirement.

Social Security and old age insurance are the same thing. They are part of the pseudo-socialist platform of programs that serve the agenda of the upper-class and the middle class including the new working middle class, at the expense of the low-wage working class.

A basic income guarantee would be different. It would benefit everyone and maybe that is what the middle and upper class fear most … they depend on the low-wage working class for their high quality of life and fear that their quality of life will diminish if the quality of life for others goes up.

They instinctively know that they are mega-consumers and that fair distribution of wealth would be unsustainable if everyone wallered up to the trough and slurped up goods and services like pigs. The middle and upper class like being pigs and mega-consumers and they don’t want to change anything.

They don’t care if the distribution is unfair and leaves many feeling deprived.

They don’t care if the distribution is inhumane and leaves many in a state of poverty.

They don’t care if their generation consumes resourced needed by future generations, if their generation’s money system leaves future generations in debt, if their generation’s destruction of the environment leaves future generations with an uninhabitable world.

They do not care about anyone but themselves.

It’s time for low-wage working people to get smart and realize that if they do not act now they will die deprived and impoverished. It is time for young people to realize that their generation will be left without resources, without a stable money system and will struggle to live in a world that has been devastated by the previous generation.

Stop listening to lame arguments about how much better off we would be if we would just end Social Security and let the so-called free market take care of it.

Stop listening to lame argument about how much better off we would be if we would just reform Social Security so that if would continue to care for the few at the expense of the many.

Start arguing for a better future in which everyone has a basic income guarantee at all ages and in all conditions!

Now that would be … different.

---

[1] Hereafter “old-age insurance” means “Federal Old-Age, Survivors and Disability Insurance”.

[2] Contributions include both the employer and the employee portions.

[3] "Historical Social Security Tax Rates", Table 1, Tax Policy Center, http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/taxfacts/content/pdf/ssrate_historical.pdf.

[4] Includes workers, surviving family members and disabled workers.

[5] "Statistics of Income for 1935", U.S. Treasury Department, Bureau of Internal Revenue, https://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-soi/35soireppt1ar.pdf.

[6] "Statistics of Income for 1935", U.S. Treasury Department, Bureau of Internal Revenue, https://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-soi/35soireppt1ar.pdf. 

Relevance of Organized Labor in the Past, Present and Future

I want organized labor to be relevant in the future of social justice movement but it just isn’t (at least not as currently organized). Organized labor exists to get higher pay, better work conditions and improved benefit packages for its members … and no one else.

At some point in our past the invention of the corporation paved the way for progress. It made possible the allocation of larger quantities of resources and the cooperation of people over longer periods of time.

The first corporations were cities and universities. Then business ventures that served public purposes such as the building of ports, canals, roads, rails and utilities such as water and electric were all incorporated. Finally, private business ventures incorporated and humans began to do big things that could not be done by sole proprietors and partnerships.

The bargaining power of a worker was small in the face of such large business interests and bargaining collectively gave workers a substantially better prospect for higher pay, better work conditions and improved benefit packages. At least it did so long as there was solidarity in the bargaining unit and support in the community.

One other important factor in the effectiveness of bargaining units was a high demand for labor coupled with a limited supply of laborers. Natural population growth and immigration have increased the supply of laborers. Technology has reduced the demand for labor.

It may be a myth but as some point in our history many believed that organized labor would lead to universally just and equitable division of the surplus to the working class. Some utopist thinkers expected the natural growth of the labor movement would lead to some form of democratization in the workplace such the nationalization of major industries and employee ownership of many smaller businesses.

But the hopes and the dreams of thinking people succumbed to the baser instincts of those who got caught up in their personal circumstances. Big business told unions, “OK, you but not them,” and the unions agreed.

Union leaders will tell you that higher pay, better work conditions and improved benefit packages for its members has led to higher pay, better work conditions and improved benefit packages for everyone else. This almost sounds like the trope promoted by big business that when businesses prosper the whole community prospers … trickle down economics.

I would argue that what has improved pay, work conditions and benefit packages for workers in general has been public policy. Government employees have historically enjoyed better pay, work conditions and benefit packages than non-government employees. As the government employed more people, the pressure on non-government employers to provide similar pay, work conditions and benefit packages increased.

The Fair Labor Standards Act and the expansion of government oversight in the workplace by agencies like the Occupational Safety and Health Administration and the National Labor Relations Board played a larger role in improving pay and work condition than competition for labor in an organized labor market.

Organized labor has played a constructive role in all of this, but has failed to evolve from representing a few, to representing many, to representing all. This happened because organized laborers arrived at a comfortable place on the economic ladder. Its members stopped seeing themselves as the “working class” and started seeing themselves as the “hard working middle class”.

Organized labor formed an in-group and without any real intention to do so relegated unorganized labor to the out-group. The unorganized working class fell behind and began to resent the organized working middle class. If you say this didn’t happen, you have your head up your [fill in the blank]!

A Gallop poll indicates that public confidence in organized labor dropped from a high of 39% in 1970 to lows of 19% to 20% from 2007 to 2013. Recent polls indicate that it may be rising and is up to 24%.

Still, our confidence in labor unions is less than our confidence in banks at 28% only a bit better than big business at 19%. You have to be in Congress for the public to have less confidence … just 8%.

Contrast this with the public confidence in small business which is at 67%!

Politically, labor finds its natural alliance with Democrats and small business owners find their natural alliance with Republicans. It should be no surprise that the alliance of Republicans with small business benefits it more than the alliance of Democrats with labor. It should also be no surprise that many Democrats have quietly developed relationships with big business to offset the disadvantage of their alliance with labor.

According to the Census Bureau, only about 6.6% of private sector jobs are union jobs while 35.7% of the public sector is organized labor jobs. It is only natural that a large population of people who have low pay, bad work conditions and little or no work benefits will be envious and even resentful of the small population of people who enjoy better pay, work conditions and benefits.

The general public does not see economic opportunity for itself in public sector employment and employment at a union shop. Big business has let the general public down and provides some of the worst paying jobs anywhere with no hope for worker protection offered by labor unions or government. It looks and feels like the general public has been pooped on by all three of them.

I am a friend of the labor family and I believe strongly in the need for government. I am critical of labor and the government because I want both to improve and play a positive role in economic prosperity for all, especially the working class.

I saw a political sign a few weeks ago that read, “Big Government is the Problem; Small Government is the Solution.” I would like to amend that to read, “Unrepresentative Government is the Problem; Representative Government is the Solution.”

Here is one thing I think labor MUST DO to earn the trust of the people who feel abandoned both labor and the government as solutions to their economic impoverishment and or deprivation, “Fight for $15!”

The current “Fight for $15!” is nothing more than an effort to organize fast food workers into labor unions. That needs to stop!

The “Fight for $15!” must be a fight to make sure that everyone who works earns a living wage and $15 per hour is the least a full time employee can earn and enjoy an independent, self-supported and dignified life. Everyone should earn at least $15 per hour, not just those who have jobs in union shops.

The current tactics of organized labor are failing to earn even $15 per hour for many, if not most, of the organized labor family. Those who continue to earn better wages do so mainly by either working excessively long hours or by looking the other way while their employer picks up temporary worker at lower wages.

In a world were technology has made it possible to live on 30 or fewer hours per week, it is almost impossible to convince hard working middle class people that they should stop working 50 to 60 hours a week and work just 40 hours. Labor unions are doing nothing to make more jobs available to more people when each worker is doing two jobs and earning the income of two people.

Organized labor must stop competing with non-organized labor for wages and must insist on wages sufficient to support an every individual or family from just one 40 hour job. The “Fight for $15!” is one way to do that.

Organized labor must oppose the phony conversion of low wage jobs into salary positions as a vehicle for compelling employees to work more than 40 hours without overtime. None of these salary workers are union members but the labor family has to fight for social justice both inside and outside the union family if it hopes to have social justice for its own membership and the confidence of the public.

I recently read an article suggesting that organized labor could have a new life if only it was to look beyond a demographic of well-paid, white, male, baby-boomers and focus on a new demographic of women, blacks and young adults. I think this is incredibly short-sighted.

Expanding the in-group still leaves you with and in-group and an out-group. There is a union jingle that is so appropriate for this conversation, “All in and none out!”

Focusing on a demographic that is feeling more pain and discomfort in our current economy and excluding other demographics that are non-the-less in great discomfort is nothing more or less than petty exploitation of the greater misfortune that pits one unfortunate group against another group who misfortune is not so great.

Another part of the problem is this: If we address certain economic issues that effect everyone such as by providing government administered healthcare for all, robust government administered retirement programs that meets everyone’s needs or universal rules for employment that cap weekly work hours we also make the need for a labor union as currently organized less significant.

Organized labor must evolve and it has failed to do so. For example, when a corporation closes the doors on a factory, the workers need to demand that they be given the opportunity to reopen the doors and form a worker’s cooperative. This is an evolution that would involve the kind of radical organizing that our grandparents did to form what we now know as labor unions.

This isn’t to say that organized labor is failing everywhere. Skilled trades are organized in much the same way as temporary employment agencies that are owned by the temporary employees. They need to insist on an end to the distinction between temporary and permanent work that gives corporations an incentive to outsource employment to corporate temp agencies instead of skilled trade unions.

We also need to end the distinction between part-time and full-time work that pits full-time union members against part-time union members.

Union organized trade schools are slowly but surely loosing out to tax-funded community college programs that train workers without unionizing them. Organized labor needs to look to Europe and see how modern education systems work and get behind reforms that take us in the right direction for everyone without regard for the classical union v. big business conflicts.

Adapting to change and ending the in-group versus out-group division is a big part of the challenge organized labor must accept if it is to be as relevant in the future as it was in the past.

Democrats spend too much time talking about Republicans

I’ve been beating this drum for a while now and this morning it came up again.

Republicans in the Michigan legislature want to change how we allocate electoral votes. HB 4310 and SB 0489 would require that two of Michigan’s electoral votes be allocated based on the statewide popular vote and that one electoral vote be chosen in each of Michigan’s congressional districts.

This would result in a disproportionate number of electoral votes being awarded to Republicans because of the gerrymandering of congressional districts. For example, in the 2012 presidential election Mitt Romney, the Republican, with only 44.7% of the popular vote would have gotten a windfall 62.5% of Michigan’s electors.

But look what we are doing; we are talking about the Republicans.

We all know that the current system of “winner takes all” is unfair. Is there a better plan being offered by the Democrats?

Yes! But Democrats aren’t talking about it; instead they are talking about how unfair the Republic plan is.

The present unfair system of apportioning presidential delegates to the Electoral College benefits Democrats. Barack Obama, the Democrat, won with just 54.2% of the popular vote but he was awarded 100% of Michigan’s electors.

A few Democrats in the Michigan Senate are supporting SB 0088, a bill that would establish an National Popular Vote Interstate Compact to elect president. This bill has passed in ten states and was previously introduced into the 2013-2014 legislatures in both houses. But, there was not and is not a peep about it in the news.

And it isn’t just the media that is ignoring this good piece of legislation; the Democrats are giving no attention to it either. I have been very active in the Democratic Party for five years now and even though I have heard hundreds of Democrats bring up the bad Republican bills, I have never heard anyone mention the good Democratic bills.

Democrats are so busy trying to look like non-partisan centrists that they won’t tell you that they have proposed amending Michigan’s constitution (see HJR AA) to replace our highly partisan system of apportioning congressional and legislative districts with a much better non-partisan system.

In Congress, House Resolution 2173, the Redistricting Reform Act of 2015, would require States to conduct Congressional redistricting through independent commissions. Shouldn't we be talking about this instead of just complaining about Republican gerrymandering?

Democrats complain all day about how Republicans are suppressing voter registration. Then they forget to tell you about a Democratic bill that would allow a 16 year old applying for a driving license to preregister to vote (see HB 4799 and SB 0058) or a bill that would allow voters registered just ten days ahead of an election to vote (see HB 4816).

And what about Senate Bill 1970, the Raising Enrollment with a Government Initiated System for Timely Electoral Registration (REGISTER) Act of 2015, introduced by Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont? This bill would require states to automatically register people to vote, if they are qualified, or update their voter registration when they apply for or update their state identification card or driving license.

Democrats run from the good progressive bills that they periodically offer and instead focus on the bad conservative bills offered by the Republicans. 

Maybe someone could explain this to me so that I can understand it? 

Enough to Make a Woodchuck Quint

The census bureau and many other institutions routinely divide the American population demographics into statistical quintiles or fifths. Here is an example of how the demographics relate to age and wealth distribution, both divided into quintiles:

It is plain to see that there is no virtue in being in the first or second quintile of wealth distribution at any age or being in the third quintile and below the age of 55. Even at the third quintile age 55 and over or the fourth quintile below the age of 45, people are well enough off to be what we might call “job creators”.

Amazingly, the youngest people in the fifth quintile, those under age 35, are better off financially that most people in the first, second and even third quintiles.

It is easy to imagine that a small percentage of the population have low income because they lack skills or education and the like, but to imagine that more than half of the human demographic have a low net worth for such reasons is absurd.

It is also beyond absurd to imagine that the fifth quintile demographic has such a high net worth because of their superior skills or education.

Young people in any of the bottom four quintiles are in trouble. Middle aged people in the bottom three quintiles are in trouble. Wealth is concentrated in people who are age 55 and older, especially in the fourth and fifth quintiles.

Another way of looking at this is that those people whose skills or education do the least for others because they are retired or nearing retirement have the most wealth. This defeats the notion that skills and education are primary determinants in wealth distribution.

The extreme difference in net worth between the first and fifth quintiles is institutionalized class division in modern society and is little different than the caste systems of less advanced societies.

Those whose parents were in the best financial situation are also those in the best situation to acquire skills and education. In my opinion, there exists an association fallacy in relation to skills or education and wealth distribution, post hoc ergo proptor hoc.

The poorest segment of society is the victim of a cruel joke. They invest themselves in the acquisition of skills or education with the expectation that they will move out of their quintile into the one above it. The institutions that lend to them and educate them have no motivation to persuade them otherwise.

Here we transition from a discussion of household wealth to a discussion of household income.

A person born in the first income quintile with a college degree has roughly the same opportunity for future income as a person born in the top quintile without a college degree. For anyone in the bottom four income quintiles, the lack of a college degree will increase you prospect of remaining in or dropping below your birth quintile.

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In the bottom four income quintiles, your prospects of landing in any of the five quintiles after obtaining a college degree are roughly the same. So the question remains, does a college degree move you up the income ladder or just give you an equal chance of landing in any of the five quintiles?

What matters after that is how much it costs. Did you borrow or was it paid for by your wealthy parents? It does a person little good to land a job with fourth quintile income if they begin their career deep in debt with fist quintile net wealth.

This woodchuck quints at the thought of sending young people off to borrow money and gamble on an education as the thing that will move them up the income and net wealth ladder. And it is a BIG gamble! The distance between the bottom quintile and the top quintile is immense.

The only thing that makes fighting for a chance at being in the second or third quintile worthwhile is the fear of ending up in the first quintile if you fail to get a college degree. Woodchucks everywhere tremble at the thought. 

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Distribution of HouseholdWealth in the U.S.:2000 to 2010.

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, Economic Mobility in the United States (video).

What Happened to the Lower Class?

Every politician and pundit knows that there is a class war and the middle class is loosing to the something called the top one percent.

What happened to the lower class and the upper class, do they no longer exist?

We want to believe that most people are middle class so we imagine that a graph of class division looks like a well-balanced bell curve with only a few in the lower and upper classes. The vast majority of us are somewhere in the middle.

Nothing could be further from the truth!

A more honest graph of class division is a skewed curve with the majority of the people in the lower class. The middle class is not statistically in the middle and it does not conform to any of the central measures such as the mean (average), median (middle) or mode (most frequent).

The middle class is more correctly an intermediate class that is between the lower and upper classes.

Everybody wants to be in the middle and nobody wants to be part of the outgroup, so we have relabeled the lower and upper classes as the lower middle class and upper middle class respectively. The outgroup now only consists of the very poor and the very wealthy and they are no longer regarded as classes.

This social agreement to reduce those who are in the outgroup to only those who are very poor and very wealthy makes any conversation about class division almost impossible. The lower class people do not want to be lumped in with the very poor who they regard as their inferiors. The upper class people fancy themselves to be hard-working people and do not want to imagine that their high income lifestyle is largely at the expense of low income people.

Nobody wants to be in the lower or upper class so nobody has to admit they are or even admit that these classes of people exist.

Whether we admit it or not, class division is a thing and until we admit it we can't talk about it.